![]() Pricing: CD, manual, and two months of free play for one character: $34.95. The game world is updated about every two weeks. There's a tutorial area in the blue building in the middle of town. (They're all named Agratis, so everybody knows they're a free demo character.) Explore the demo area of Agratis. Type demo as the account name and click OK. Note: In the demo: Choose Character Manager from the File menu. If you've never played before, it is strongly recommend that you read the What is Clan Lord and Getting Started pages, or you'll probably just be confused and give up.įor more detailed information, including updates, please read the documentation or visit the homepage. The demo lets you get used to the game before creating your own character. You can join with others to create your own clan and go on adventures. While there, you can heal others, study magic and solve puzzles. It's a dangerous place with monsters, sorcery and political conflict. You can be a mystic, a warrior or a healer.Īfter being thrown out of the Empire, you end up in a place known as Puddleby, an outpost town in the Loc'groton island chain. It features a point-and-click interface that you can customize. Yet, many such works have become standard and wide-spread, albeit stereotyped, perception of the Serbs and their history in the Balkans.Clan Lord is an online fantasy and role-playing game wherein you create a character of your choice. Many controversial interpretations (Noel Malcolm, Holm Sundhaussen, Tim Judah, James Gow, Robert Donia, Branimir Anzulovic, Stjepan Meštrović, Philip Cohen, Marcus Tanner, Sabrina Ramet etc.), have been designed to support some immediate political goals or geopolitical claims and have little to do with scholarship and intellectual rigour. Such approach, fostered by some scholars from the former Yugoslavia, chime perfectly with the old stereotypes inherited from Austrian and German historiography on Kriegsschuldfrage which have found their way into American historiography in the post-1945 period. This simplistic and biased perception of the Serbs as endemic nationalists, communists and anti-Europeans, allegedly keen on establishing complete hegemony over other nations and minorities in Yugoslavia, has reappeared since 1991 not only in mass media but also in much of Western scholarship, strongly influenced by a black-and-white perspective on the dissolution of Yugoslavia. These writings are often compatible with Albanian historiography produced under the Stalinist regime of Enver Hoxha. This contribution looks at the ideological and nationalistic writings on “Greater Serbia”, “Greater Serbian nationalists”, “Serbian hegemony” produced by Croatian nationalists in interwar Yugoslavia and by Croatian Second World War émigrés, who were markedly anti-Yugoslav both in the monarchic and communist period and whose perspective has gained ground in Western Europe and the USA. Reading through historical studies on Serbs and Serbia written during and after the wars of the Yugoslav succession (1991–1999) reveals many elements of a biased, one-sided narrative derived from various sources. ![]() He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son’s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.Ībstract. ![]() Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. Pašić was tougher that King and Ninčić in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momčilo Ninčić, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Upon taking the reins of government, Pašić was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. During the peace conference, Pašić held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. His activities in this field are divided into two periods – during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom’s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. This paper looks at Nikola Pašić’s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. ![]()
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